Ten years of Biden weaponization produced enemy list that makes Watergate water under the bridge

Over the past decade, a series of investigations, declassified documents and reporting appear to show a pattern of federal agencies under former President Joe Biden’s administration directing law enforcement, intelligence, and regulatory tools against political opponents, particularly President Donald Trump and his allies.”What they did, seemingly, was to target people that they knew supported the president and that the president was talking with,” Sen. Marsha Blackburn, R-Tenn., whose records were obtained by the Biden DOJ, told Just The News. 
“You get the feeling that they had a short list or an enemies list or a target list, and while they were trying to pull him in and say it was a conspiracy, then you have to just surmise that their intent was they could surveil us and try to make us coconspirators.” 
The list of targets also includes conservative private citizens, pro-life activists and parents. While roots of the weaponization trace to 2016-era Russia collusion inquiries during Biden’s vice presidency, the pattern intensified after 2021 with Biden as president, with directives that appeared to lower investigative thresholds and prioritized ideological targets. 
A June 2021 National Security Council strategic plan, declassified in 2025, explicitly authorized the DOJ, FBI, DHS, and other agencies to monitor “concerning non-criminal behavior” tied to domestic terrorism. 
It flagged conservative symbols (Gadsden flags, Second Amendment references), active-duty military personnel, gun owners, traditional Catholics, and those spreading what officials called “xenophobic” disinformation or resisting COVID policies and school curricula. Whistleblowers described how this led to FBI probes of school-board parents and pro-life networks, while ignoring comparable left-wing activity.  
The Biden administration also unevenly applied the FACE Act – a federal law prohibiting the use of force, threat of force, or physical obstruction to injure, intimidate, or interfere with anyone obtaining or providing reproductive health services, including abortion, or exercising religious freedom at a place of worship.
A DOJ review found prosecutors collaborated with abortion-rights groups to track pro-life demonstrators’ travel and advocacy, withheld exculpatory evidence, and imposed average prison terms of nearly 27 months on pro-life defendants—more than double those given to pro-abortion violators. 
Federal funding flowed to state-level efforts against Trump. 
In 2022, the Biden DOJ invited Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis to apply for a $2 million sole-source grant under a community-violence program while she built her election-interference case against Trump and coordinated with the White House and House January 6 investigators. Willis’s office won the grant and ultimately in total received more than $18 million in DOJ grants during the prosecution.
Also in 2022, the FBI opened its “Arctic Frost” probe into Trump’s alternate-electors strategy, which targeted nearly 400 Trump associates and conservative groups on thin predication, according to internal memos and Senate records. An anti-Trump FBI supervisor, Timothy Thibault, drove the case by circulating liberal media claims, echoing the earlier Crossfire Hurricane pattern. 
Arctic Frost, which was later absorbed into Justice Department special counsel Jack Smith’s probe, obtained toll records – phone metadata including call times, recipients, durations and general location data – from the personal cellphones of at least eight Republican senators (including Blackburn, Lindsey Graham and Ron Johnson) and one House Republican, covering the days around the Jan 6, 2021, Capitol riot via grand jury subpoenas with nondisclosure orders. 
“We do know that there was a subjective approach to the telecom companies on whose records they released,” Blackburn also told Just The News. “What we also know is that you had judges who were willing to work with the DOJ and while they were broad-based with this, they also couldn’t define exactly what it was they were looking for.”
She also said: “So you had Jack Smith and the Arctic Frost team cherry-picking what judges they would take these orders to, and then they thought they could get a non-disclosure orders on this. This is much larger and more widespread than Watergate because you had over 400 conservative individuals and organizations that were surveilled by Jack Smith and Arctic Frost.”
The House Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, after nearly two years of oversight, documented a “two-tiered system” involving censorship partnerships with tech firms, retaliatory treatment of whistleblowers, and politicized prosecutions that extended to Trump allies. These accounts portray a sustained use of federal power to neutralize perceived electoral threats rather than pursue neutral justice. 

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